Anda Mencari Layanan Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001 Murah di Boyolali Kami Solusinya Hubungi : 0857 1027 2813 konsultaniso9001.net adalah Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001, Consultant ISO 14001, Konsultan ISO 22000, OHSAS 18001, Penyusunan Dokumen CSMS-K3LL, K3, ISO/TS 16949,Dll yang BERANI memberikan JAMINAN KELULUSAN & MONEYBACK GUARANTEE ( Tanpa Terkecuali ) yang tertuang dalam kontrak kerja. Sebagai Konsultan ISO dan HSE TERBAIK dan BERPENGALAMAN kami siap membantu perusahaan bapak dan ibu dalam membangun sistem manajemen ISO dan HSE dengan pendekatan yang sistematis tanpa ribet dengan tujuan bagaimana sistem ISO tersebut bisa bermanfaat bagi perkembangan perusahaan serta menjadi pondasi yang kuat untuk kemajuan perusahaan.
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Training OHSAS 18001 Terbaik dan Berpengalaman di Solok Selatan | Hubungi : 0857 1027 2813 PT Bintang Solusi Utama adalah Jasa Konsultan ISO 9001, Consultant ISO 14001, Konsultan ISO 22000, OHSAS 18001, Penyusunan Dokumen CSMS-K3LL, K3, ISO/TS 16949,Dll yang BERANI memberikan JAMINAN KELULUSAN & MONEYBACK GUARANTEE ( Tanpa Terkecuali ) yang tertuang dalam kontrak kerja. Sebagai Konsultan ISO dan HSE TERBAIK dan BERPENGALAMAN kami siap membantu perusahaan bapak dan ibu dalam membangun sistem manajemen ISO dan HSE dengan pendekatan yang sistematis tanpa ribet dengan tujuan bagaimana sistem ISO tersebut bisa bermanfaat bagi perkembangan perusahaan serta menjadi pondasi yang kuat untuk kemajuan perusahaan. Training OHSAS 18001 Terbaik dan Berpengalaman di Solok Selatan
TELKOM JADI PENGUASA FREKUENSI DI INDONESIA
saco-indonesia.com, Grup Telkom telah tercatat sebagai penguasa frekuensi di Indonesia karena saat ini telah memiliki lebar spek
saco-indonesia.com, Grup Telkom telah tercatat sebagai penguasa frekuensi di Indonesia karena saat ini telah memiliki lebar spektrum hingga 325MHz. Hal tersebut dari riset yang telah dipublikasikan Indonesia ICT Institute, pekan lalu.
Frekuensi milik Grup Telkom tersebar pada layanan Flexi, satelit, BWA, dan anak usahanya, Telkomsel. Untuk Flexi, Telkom telah memiliki 5MHz di pita 850MHz, satelit selebar 200MHz di pita 3,5MHz dan BWA di pita 2,3GHz selebar 75MHz.
Meskipun Telkom telah menyatakan sudah mengembalikan frekuensi di pita 2,3GHz, namun tak jelas berapa sebenarnya lebar spektrum yang telah dikembalikan BUMN telekomunikasi itu.
Sementara Telkomsel saat ini telah menguasai total frekuensi selebar 5MHz, sama dengan yang telah dimiliki XL. Sehingga dua operator seluler itu saat ini telah menjadi pemilik terbesar frekuensi seluler.
Komisi I DPR berteriak soal frekuensi yang dikatakan juga merupakan sumber daya yang pengalokasianya perlu dilakukan secara berhati-hati. Apa yang disampaikan DPR ini memang telah menjadikan frekuensi sebagai isu yang menjadi buah bibir beberapa waktu terakhir ini, terutama pasca konsolidasi sejumlah operator seperti XL dengan Axis.
Dirjen Sumber Daya dan Perangkat Pos dan Informatika (SDPPI) Kementeri Kominfo M. Budi Setiawan, beberapa operator sudah memasuki zona merah alias kekurangan frekuensi sehingga penataan frekuensi telah menjadi cukup mendesak.
Saat ini operator dengan menggunakan frekuensi dalam rentang 450MHz hingga 3,5GHz, frekuensi-frekuensi yang dapat dipakai untuk broadband nirkabel, meski 2,6 serta 3,5GHz dipakai TV berlangganan berbasis satelit.
Selain alokasi tiap entitas operator, Indonesia ICT Institute juga telah mengumpulkan alokasi frekuensi berdasar grup atau konsolidasi yang sudah terjadi, seperti Bakrie Telecom yang telah membeli Sampoerna Telecom Indonesia dan Reka Jasa Akses (REJA) dicoba dikelompokan sebagai Bakrie Telecom, kemudian PT Telkom dan PT Telkomsel, ada juga Indosat dan IM2, serta Sinar Mas yang telah memiliki SmartFren dan SmartTelecom.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
KHAWATIR GUNUNG KELUD MELETUS
saco-indonesia.com, Pasca kenaikan status Gunung Kelud, ratusan warga yang berada di wilayah Desa Sugihwaras Kecamatan Ngancar K
saco-indonesia.com, Pasca kenaikan status Gunung Kelud, ratusan warga yang berada di wilayah Desa Sugihwaras Kecamatan Ngancar Kabupaten Kediri berjaga-jaga di jalanan dengan membuat api unggun, Selasa (11/2) dini hari. Aksi 'melekan' itu dilakukan untuk dapat mengantisipasi jika sewaktu-waktu gunung yang hanya berjarak 8 kilometer dari desa mereka tersebut meletus.
Sapari yang berusia (48) tahun salah seorang warga setempat, juga mengaku sempat was-was dengan kenaikan status Gunung Kelud ke siaga. Warga juga telah menilai, perubahan status gunungdari waspada ke siaga sangat begitu cepat.
"Kami warga di sini juga sempat was-was, sebab takutnya gunung meletus lebih cepat. Kekhawatiran kami lagi adalah anak gunung Kelud jika terjadi letusan akan dapat menimbulkan bahaya yang lebih besar. Oleh karena itu warga di Desa Sugihwaras terutama yang laki-laki siaga di jalanan sambil membuat api unggun," kata Sapari.
Masih menurut Sapari, ia juga telah membawa turun anak-anaknya ke tempat lebih aman agar jika sewaktu-waktu terjadi bencana sudah tidak begitu merisaukan bagaimana membawa keluarga. "Saya hanya bersama istri saya siaga di rumah, anak-anak dan juga surat-surat penting sudah kami bawa turun ke rumah mertua di Desa Ngreco Kecamatan Kandat yang berjarak kurang lebih 25 kilometer," tambahnya.
Selain Sapari, Prapto tetangga Sapari juga menuturkan ia telah mengemasi barang-barang berharga dan beberapa kebutuhan selama pengungsian nanti. "Intinya warga di sini sudah siap jika sewaktu-waktu diinstruksikan untuk pindah ke pengungsian," ujarnya.
Editor : Dian Sukmawati
Tribute for a Roller Hockey Warrior
Hockey is not exactly known as a city game, but played on roller skates, it once held sway as the sport of choice in many New York neighborhoods.
“City kids had no rinks, no ice, but they would do anything to play hockey,” said Edward Moffett, former director of the Long Island City Y.M.C.A. Roller Hockey League, in Queens, whose games were played in city playgrounds going back to the 1940s.
One street legend from the heyday of New York roller hockey was Craig Allen, who lived in the Woodside Houses projects and became one of the city’s hardest hitters and top scorers.
“Craig was a warrior, one of the best roller hockey players in the city in the ’70s,” said Dave Garmendia, 60, a retired New York police officer who grew up playing with Mr. Allen. “His teammates loved him and his opponents feared him.”
Young Craig took up hockey on the streets of Queens in the 1960s, playing pickup games between sewer covers, wearing steel-wheeled skates clamped onto school shoes and using a roll of electrical tape as the puck.
His skill and ferocity drew attention, Mr. Garmendia said, but so did his skin color. He was black, in a sport made up almost entirely by white players.
“Roller hockey was a white kid’s game, plain and simple, but Craig broke the color barrier,” Mr. Garmendia said. “We used to say Craig did more for race relations than the N.A.A.C.P.”
Mr. Allen went on to coach and referee roller hockey in New York before moving several years ago to South Carolina. But he continued to organize an annual alumni game at Dutch Kills Playground in Long Island City, the same site that held the local championship games.
The reunion this year was on Saturday, but Mr. Allen never made it. On April 26, just before boarding the bus to New York, he died of an asthma attack at age 61.
Word of his death spread rapidly among hundreds of his old hockey colleagues who resolved to continue with the event, now renamed the Craig Allen Memorial Roller Hockey Reunion.
The turnout on Saturday was the largest ever, with players pulling on their old equipment, choosing sides and taking once again to the rink of cracked blacktop with faded lines and circles. They wore no helmets, although one player wore a fedora.
Another, Vinnie Juliano, 77, of Long Island City, wore his hearing aids, along with his 50-year-old taped-up quads, or four-wheeled skates with a leather boot. Many players here never converted to in-line skates, and neither did Mr. Allen, whose photograph appeared on a poster hanging behind the players’ bench.
“I’m seeing people walking by wondering why all these rusty, grizzly old guys are here playing hockey,” one player, Tommy Dominguez, said. “We’re here for Craig, and let me tell you, these old guys still play hard.”
Everyone seemed to have a Craig Allen story, from his earliest teams at Public School 151 to the Bryant Rangers, the Woodside Wings, the Woodside Blues and more.
Mr. Allen, who became a yellow-cab driver, was always recruiting new talent. He gained the nickname Cabby for his habit of stopping at playgrounds all over the city to scout players.
Teams were organized around neighborhoods and churches, and often sponsored by local bars. Mr. Allen, for one, played for bars, including Garry Owen’s and on the Fiddler’s Green Jokers team in Inwood, Manhattan.
Play was tough and fights were frequent.
“We were basically street gangs on skates,” said Steve Rogg, 56, a mail clerk who grew up in Jackson Heights, Queens, and who on Saturday wore his Riedell Classic quads from 1972. “If another team caught up with you the night before a game, they tossed you a beating so you couldn’t play the next day.”
Mr. Garmendia said Mr. Allen’s skin color provoked many fights.
“When we’d go to some ignorant neighborhoods, a lot of players would use slurs,” Mr. Garmendia said, recalling a game in Ozone Park, Queens, where local fans parked motorcycles in a lineup next to the blacktop and taunted Mr. Allen. Mr. Garmendia said he checked a player into the motorcycles, “and the bikes went down like dominoes, which started a serious brawl.”
A group of fans at a game in Brooklyn once stuck a pole through the rink fence as Mr. Allen skated by and broke his jaw, Mr. Garmendia said, adding that carloads of reinforcements soon arrived to defend Mr. Allen.
And at another racially incited brawl, the police responded with six patrol cars and a helicopter.
Before play began on Saturday, the players gathered at center rink to honor Mr. Allen. Billy Barnwell, 59, of Woodside, recalled once how an all-white, all-star squad snubbed Mr. Allen by playing him third string. He scored seven goals in the first game and made first string immediately.
“He’d always hear racial stuff before the game, and I’d ask him, ‘How do you put up with that?’” Mr. Barnwell recalled. “Craig would say, ‘We’ll take care of it,’ and by the end of the game, he’d win guys over. They’d say, ‘This guy’s good.’”
Ex-C.I.A. Official Rebuts Republican Claims on Benghazi Attack in ‘The Great War of Our Time’
WASHINGTON — The former deputy director of the C.I.A. asserts in a forthcoming book that Republicans, in their eagerness to politicize the killing of the American ambassador to Libya, repeatedly distorted the agency’s analysis of events. But he also argues that the C.I.A. should get out of the business of providing “talking points” for administration officials in national security events that quickly become partisan, as happened after the Benghazi attack in 2012.
The official, Michael J. Morell, dismisses the allegation that the United States military and C.I.A. officers “were ordered to stand down and not come to the rescue of their comrades,” and he says there is “no evidence” to support the charge that “there was a conspiracy between C.I.A. and the White House to spin the Benghazi story in a way that would protect the political interests of the president and Secretary Clinton,” referring to the secretary of state at the time, Hillary Rodham Clinton.
But he also concludes that the White House itself embellished some of the talking points provided by the Central Intelligence Agency and had blocked him from sending an internal study of agency conclusions to Congress.
“I finally did so without asking,” just before leaving government, he writes, and after the White House released internal emails to a committee investigating the State Department’s handling of the issue.
A lengthy congressional investigation remains underway, one that many Republicans hope to use against Mrs. Clinton in the 2016 election cycle.
In parts of the book, “The Great War of Our Time” (Twelve), Mr. Morell praises his C.I.A. colleagues for many successes in stopping terrorist attacks, but he is surprisingly critical of other C.I.A. failings — and those of the National Security Agency.
Soon after Mr. Morell retired in 2013 after 33 years in the agency, President Obama appointed him to a commission reviewing the actions of the National Security Agency after the disclosures of Edward J. Snowden, a former intelligence contractor who released classified documents about the government’s eavesdropping abilities. Mr. Morell writes that he was surprised by what he found.
“You would have thought that of all the government entities on the planet, the one least vulnerable to such grand theft would have been the N.S.A.,” he writes. “But it turned out that the N.S.A. had left itself vulnerable.”
He concludes that most Wall Street firms had better cybersecurity than the N.S.A. had when Mr. Snowden swept information from its systems in 2013. While he said he found himself “chagrined by how well the N.S.A. was doing” compared with the C.I.A. in stepping up its collection of data on intelligence targets, he also sensed that the N.S.A., which specializes in electronic spying, was operating without considering the implications of its methods.
“The N.S.A. had largely been collecting information because it could, not necessarily in all cases because it should,” he says.
Mr. Morell was a career analyst who rose through the ranks of the agency, and he ended up in the No. 2 post. He served as President George W. Bush’s personal intelligence briefer in the first months of his presidency — in those days, he could often be spotted at the Starbucks in Waco, Tex., catching up on his reading — and was with him in the schoolhouse in Florida on the morning of Sept. 11, 2001, when the Bush presidency changed in an instant.
Mr. Morell twice took over as acting C.I.A. director, first when Leon E. Panetta was appointed secretary of defense and then when retired Gen. David H. Petraeus resigned over an extramarital affair with his biographer, a relationship that included his handing her classified notes of his time as America’s best-known military commander.
Mr. Morell says he first learned of the affair from Mr. Petraeus only the night before he resigned, and just as the Benghazi events were turning into a political firestorm. While praising Mr. Petraeus, who had told his deputy “I am very lucky” to run the C.I.A., Mr. Morell writes that “the organization did not feel the same way about him.” The former general “created the impression through the tone of his voice and his body language that he did not want people to disagree with him (which was not true in my own interaction with him),” he says.
But it is his account of the Benghazi attacks — and how the C.I.A. was drawn into the debate over whether the Obama White House deliberately distorted its account of the death of Ambassador J. Christopher Stevens — that is bound to attract attention, at least partly because of its relevance to the coming presidential election. The initial assessments that the C.I.A. gave to the White House said demonstrations had preceded the attack. By the time analysts reversed their opinion, Susan E. Rice, now the national security adviser, had made a series of statements on Sunday talk shows describing the initial assessment. The controversy and other comments Ms. Rice made derailed Mr. Obama’s plan to appoint her as secretary of state.
The experience prompted Mr. Morell to write that the C.I.A. should stay out of the business of preparing talking points — especially on issues that are being seized upon for “political purposes.” He is critical of the State Department for not beefing up security in Libya for its diplomats, as the C.I.A., he said, did for its employees.
But he concludes that the assault in which the ambassador was killed took place “with little or no advance planning” and “was not well organized.” He says the attackers “did not appear to be looking for Americans to harm. They appeared intent on looting and conducting some vandalism,” setting fires that killed Mr. Stevens and a security official, Sean Smith.
Mr. Morell paints a picture of an agency that was struggling, largely unsuccessfully, to understand dynamics in the Middle East and North Africa when the Arab Spring broke out in late 2011 in Tunisia. The agency’s analysts failed to see the forces of revolution coming — and then failed again, he writes, when they told Mr. Obama that the uprisings would undercut Al Qaeda by showing there was a democratic pathway to change.
“There is no good explanation for our not being able to see the pressures growing to dangerous levels across the region,” he writes. The agency had again relied too heavily “on a handful of strong leaders in the countries of concern to help us understand what was going on in the Arab street,” he says, and those leaders themselves were clueless.
Moreover, an agency that has always overvalued secretly gathered intelligence and undervalued “open source” material “was not doing enough to mine the wealth of information available through social media,” he writes. “We thought and told policy makers that this outburst of popular revolt would damage Al Qaeda by undermining the group’s narrative,” he writes.
Instead, weak governments in Egypt, and the absence of governance from Libya to Yemen, were “a boon to Islamic extremists across both the Middle East and North Africa.”
Mr. Morell is gentle about most of the politicians he dealt with — he expresses admiration for both Mr. Bush and Mr. Obama, though he accuses former Vice President Dick Cheney of deliberately implying a connection between Al Qaeda and Iraq that the C.I.A. had concluded probably did not exist. But when it comes to the events leading up to the Bush administration’s decision to go to war in Iraq, he is critical of his own agency.
Mr. Morell concludes that the Bush White House did not have to twist intelligence on Saddam Hussein’s alleged effort to rekindle the country’s work on weapons of mass destruction.
“The view that hard-liners in the Bush administration forced the intelligence community into its position on W.M.D. is just flat wrong,” he writes. “No one pushed. The analysts were already there and they had been there for years, long before Bush came to office.”